Faisal Devji is a reader in modern South Asian history at the University of Oxford and a fellow of St. Antony's College. He is the author, most recently, of Muslim. Revising the conventional view of the Mahatma as an isolated Indian moralist detached from the mainstream of twentieth-century politics, Faisal Devji offers a. Faisal Devji is a historian who specializes in studies of Islam, globalization, violence and ethics. Contents. 1 Early life and education; 2 Career; 3 References.


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Gandhi understood that self-interest, whether in its individual or collective form, represents the basic category of liberal politics. He also realised that it is not something given to us by nature but has to be set in place through considerable effort.

Since interest conceived as ownership was tied to the regime of private property, however, it could only have a marginal existence in faisal devji place like India, where property and so ownership had not yet come to define all social relations.

‘Muslim Zion’ — a different perspective on the origin of Pakistan - Daily Times

This meant that Indian social relations were often marked by modes of behaviour and practice, both violent and non-violent, faisal devji could not be accommodated within the logic of interest.

Instead of trying to eliminate these altogether, which he thought an impossible task, Gandhi wanted to purify faisal devji expand them as forms of disinterest and altruism that deployed sacrifice in the cause of non-violence.

He argued that all societies were in fact founded upon such sacrificial or disinterested relations, including those between lovers, friends or parents and children, without which no collective life was possible.

Zia, who ruled Pakistan longer than anyone else, said bluntly: Take faisal devji the Faisal devji out of Israel and it will fall like a house of cards. Take religion out of Pakistan and make it a secular state; it would collapse.

That is where the book makes a contribution to the literature.

Faisal Devji | Aeon

That is indeed true. Jinnah thought the Muslim intelligentsia was selfish, intellectually corrupt, and lacked character.

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In doing so, Devji hopes to lay bare the central contradiction at the heart of Zion that haunts Israel and Pakistan: This ambiguity, Devji suggests, has been amplified by a concern to anchor national claims in a supra-national agenda—in the case of Israel, the fate of world Jewry; in the faisal devji of Pakistan, faisal devji future of pan-Islamism.

It faisal devji already received attention in the ground-breaking work of Aamir Mufti and his attempt to frame the crisis of Muslim identity in late colonial India in the light of debates on the assimilation and emancipation of the Jewish minority in post-Enlightenment Europe.


Like Mufti, Devji is engaged by faisal devji choices made by Jewish and Muslim minority intellectuals forced to confront the implications of a liberal-democratic order that presupposed rule by national majorities.

And like Mufti, Devji is also concerned to explore how both Muslims and Jews in India and Europe, respectively, resisted not only their faisal devji as a minority but also their status as pariahs.


While it is true that Muslim nationalism was inspired neither by claims to ancestral Muslim lands nor reference to common biological faisal devji, both were indisputably key features in the construction of Jewish nationalism. This oversight raises further questions faisal devji drawing parallels between two states with putative Zionist identities in which one would expressly endorse the claim of every member of world Jewry to claim citizenship of the state of Israel while the other would deny as it does to Muslims in India, to say nothing of the faisal devji Muslim diaspora, any such prospect in the state of Pakistan.